Kathrine Beckett. Making Crime Pay

Making Crime Pay: Law and Order in Contemporary American Politics (Katherine Beckett)

The capacity of elites to mobilize public opinion depends upon their ability to select symbols and rhetoric that will resonate with deep-seated “myths”20 and make sense of lived experience.

   While popular sentiment is somewhat malleable, members of the public are not receptive to every claim and elites are therefore somewhat constrained in their efforts to mobilize opinion.

==========

 

 

– Highlight Loc. 107-10 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 12:21 AM

These tough responses to the crime problem are predicated upon various (and sometimes contradictory) explanations   of criminal behavior: the neoclassical vision of criminals as rational   and freely choosing agents, currently undeterred as a result of “undue lenience”; cultural theories that highlight the moral depravity   of those who commit crimes (and sometimes the role of “permissive”   welfare programs in generating it); and, increasingly, the notion that most criminals are intrinsically-perhaps biologically-“prone to evil” and are therefore beyond redemption.

 

 

==========

 

 

– Highlight Loc. 124-27 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 12:27 AM

As the civil rights, welfare rights, and student movements pressured the state to assume greater responsibility   for the reduction of social inequalities, conservative politicians attempted to popularize an alternative vision of government-one that diminishes its duty to provide for the social welfare but enlarges its capacity and obligation to maintain social control.33 In what follows, I show that the crime issue has been a crucial resource for those advocating   this reconstruction of social policy.34

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 201-3 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 12:36 AM

These figures show that while the reported rates of crime and drug use shifted slowly and gradually, public concern about these problems fluctuated quickly and dramatically.’4 Indeed, in both the crime and drug cases, striking shifts in levels of public concern took place in very short periods of time.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 212-15 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 12:39 AM

The results in the crime case indicate that both political initiative and media coverage were associated with subsequent levels of public concern about crime (see table 2.1). These relationships are consistent over time: both political   initiative and media coverage continue to be significantly and positively associated with public concern when an extended time period   is analyzed. In contrast, the reported incidence of crime is not associated with the propensity of members of the public to identify crime as the nation’s most important problem.17

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 233-35 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 12:41 AM

These results indicate that the extent to which political elites highlight the crime and drug problems is closely linked to subsequent levels of public concern about them and thus suggest that political initiative played a crucial role in generating   public concern about crime and drugs.

 

 

==========

 

 

– Highlight Loc. 262-65 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 12:48 AM

Similarly, there is no evidence that political elites’ initial involvement   in the wars on crime and drugs was a response to popular sentiments.   Public concern about crime was quite low when candidate Barry Goldwater decided to run on a law and order platform in the 1964 presidential election.23 Similarly, when President Ronald Reagan first declared a “national war on drugs” in 1982 and when he called for a renewal of this campaign in 1986, fewer than 2% of those polled identified drugs as the nation’s most important problem.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 284-86 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 12:51 AM

Thus, while those who are at greater risk of victimization   (blacks) or are more vulnerable (women and the elderly) do tend to be more anxious about the prospect of being victimized, those who are more fearful are not necessarily more punitive.31 It is clear that one’s risk of or anxiety about criminal victimization cannot explain support for tough anticrime policies.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 299-301 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 12:54 AM

Discussions of crime were a particularly effective vehicle for promoting the view that poverty and crime are freely chosen by dangerous and undeserving   individuals “looking for the easy way out.” Somewhat contradictorily,   conservatives also identified the “culture of welfare” as an important   cause of “social pathologies”-especially crime, delinquency, and drug addiction. Despite their differences, these neoclassical and cultural theories similarly identify “permissiveness” as the cause of crime-related problems and imply the need to adopt policies that would enhance social control rather than social welfare.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 322-24 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 12:59 AM

southern governors and law enforcement officials characterized   its tactics as criminal and suggested that the rise of the civil rights movement was indicative of the breakdown of law and order.8 Crime rhetoric thus reemerged in political discourse as southern officials   called for a crackdown on the “hoodlums,” “agitators,” “street mobs,” and “lawbreakers” who challenged segregation and black disenfranchisement.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 349-51 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 01:04 AM

In sum, the introduction and construction of the crime issue in national   political discourse in the 1960s was shaped by the definitional activities of southern officials, presidential candidate Goldwater, and the other conservative politicians who followed his cue. Categories such as street crime and law and order conflated conventional crime and political dissent and were used in an attempt to heighten opposition   to the civil rights movement.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 369-72 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 01:12 AM

These discussions of the behavioral characteristics of the impoverished   were consistent with American officials’ long-standing preoccupation with distinguishing the worthy from the unworthy poor and were particularly useful to the conservative effort to emphasize and enlarge the latter category.22 In the conservative discourse on poverty, the (alleged) misbehaviors of the poor were transformed from adaptations   to poverty that had the unfortunate effect of reproducing it into character failings that accounted for their poverty in the first place.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 393-95 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 01:19 AM

In this twist on the culture of poverty thesis, conservatives argued that the “culture of welfare” undermined self-discipline and promoted “parasitism”-legal (welfare dependency) and illegal (crime). “The chain of reasoning was that crime, civil disorder and other social pathologies exhibited by the poor had their roots in worklessness and family instability, which in turn, had their roots in welfare permissive- ness.”29

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 418-19 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 01:42 AM

While Johnson   sometimes reiterated his earlier argument that such policies would help reduce crime, administration officials and other liberal politicians now tempered this argument with the claim that these “long-term” solutions must be balanced by the “short-term” need for increased law enforcement efforts.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 426-28 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 01:44 AM

Insisting that the real cause of crime is not poverty or unemployment but “insufficient curbs on the appetites or implulses that naturally impel individuals towards criminal activities,”41 Nixon concluded   that the “solution to the crime problem is not the quadrupling of funds for any governmental war on poverty but more convictions.”42 The 1968 Republican party platform concurred with Nixon’s critique of liberal “permissiveness”: “We must re-establish the principle that men are accountable for what they do, that criminals are responsible for their crime.”43

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 493-95 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 01:55 AM

Law and order rhetoric has been a particularly   important means by which conservative elites attempted to justify   this reconstruction of the state’s role and responsibilities, and the racialization of American politics created fertile soil for the creation and mobilization of the crime issue.69

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 515-17 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 02:05 AM

During what Reinarman and Levine call “drug scares,” moral entrepreneurs blame a variety of social problems on chemical substances and those who imbibe them.3 Temperance advocates, for example, attributed   many of the social ills associated with modern industrial society-crime,   vice, poverty, disease, and the breakdown of the family-to the consumption of alcohol. In this and other antidrug crusades, racist imagery and the association of drug use with crime generated widespread fear, even panic, about chemical substances.4

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 524-27 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 02:13 AM

Drug abuse and criminality coexist in some social groups but not in others. Among those populations where such a relationship does exist, criminality tends to precede drug use rather than vice versa.6 More recently, researchers have found that much of the association between violence and drugs is a product of the illegal nature of the drug market and the socioeconomic context in which battles over market share are fought.’ Despite this empirical complexity, the political and ideological connection between drugs, crime, and dangerous classes has remained intact.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 548-50 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 02:17 AM

The get-tough discourse continued to provide an ideal opportunity to espouse the view that human vice and greed were the cause of social problems, to criticize the “liberals” who wrongly blamed “society” for them, and, somewhat contradictorily, to attribute crime, delinquency, and drug abuse to the welfare programs   and “lenient” crime policies of these well-intentioned but misguided liberals.

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 578-80 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 02:24 AM

Conservatives thus argued that welfare programs such as AFDC not only “keep the poor poor,” but also accounted, along with lenient crime policies, for the rising crime rate. In this discourse, “generous welfare provisions and soft criminal justice policies are entwined in their detrimental   effect upon morality and responsibility for the increasing crime problem.”26 This argument was an attempt to legitimate reductions   in welfare spending as well as the implementation of increasingly punitive crime and drug policies:

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 587-89 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 02:26 AM

 

Reagan thus articulated the central premise of the conservative project of state reconstruction: public assistance is an “illegitimate” state function,   whereas policing and social control constitute its real “constitutional”   obligation. The conservative mobilization of crime-related issues was thus a component of the effort to reconstruct popular images of the poor and thereby legitimate the contraction of public assistance programs and the expansion of the social control apparatus.

==========

– Highlight Loc. 599-601 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 02:33 AM

Over time, however, the public did become more likely to reject these structural   explanations. By 1989, 60% would report that cutting the drug supply   was the most effective anticrime measure, while only 10% would identify   reducing unemployment as the most important means of fighting crime.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 603-7 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 02:35 AM

To bolster his case, Webster cited a study which found that “[Pleople consider bank embezzlements more serious than many thefts and burglaries, a bribe of $10,000 to a legislator more serious than a $100,000 bank burglary, and a retail price-fixing scheme more serious than a robbery where an armed subject intimidated a victim and took $1,000.”33

One month later, however, Webster announced that “the drug problem   has become so widespread that the FBI must assume a larger role in attacking the problem.” In explaining this shift, Webster argued that “when we attack the drug problem head on, it seems to me that we are going to make a major dent in attacking violent street crime. …”34

==========

– Highlight Loc. 637-40 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 02:40 AM

In sum, the administration’s emphasis on the need for a tough approach   to crime facilitated the emergence of the war on drugs and shaped the nature of that campaign.41 While the Reagan administration   always placed great emphasis on the importance of law enforcement   and punishing drug offenders, most of this rhetoric was aimed at the “drug pushers” and “narco-traffickers” who “preyed on our young people” prior to 1986. After this time, however, the antidrug campaign was enlarged to also include casual drug users:

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 659-61 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 02:42 AM

This media campaign appears to have been quite effective: the number   of drug-related stories appearing in the New York Times increased from 43 in the latter half of 1985 to 92 and 220 in the first and second halves of 1986, and the number of drug-related stories published in the Times in these years was far greater than the number published in other newspapers.50

==========

– Highlight Loc. 669-72 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:15 PM

Much of the drug-related news coverage during this period emphasized the spread of crack-related violence to white communities,   the threat of random (drug-induced) violence to which this “epidemic”   gave rise, and the need for enhanced surveillance and policing   in order to establish control over the burgeoning crack trade and the violence it spawned.-” Because these stories highlighted the threat of random violence, they appear to have contributed to growing support   for a quick and dramatic response to the drug problems’

 

 

==========

Highlight Loc. 684-85 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:17 PM

Media interest in the drug issue (which was itself related to official antidrug activity) was thus interpreted as a sign of growing public concern about drugs.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 717-18 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:23 PM

August 1993, Republicans announced   an anticrime legislative package calling for more police, enhanced   federal support for prison construction, and limits on habeas corpus appeals. One week later, Clinton and several key congressional Democrats proposed their own anticrime legislation calling for more police, enhanced federal support for prison construction, and limits on habeas corpus appeals.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 735-37 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:28 PM

What this official failed to grasp was the role that Clinton and other political elites played in the generation of the public concern to which they were subsequently compelled to respond. Throughout the 1980s, Democratic party officials had increasingly made the conservative rhetoric on crime and drugs their own.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 747-50 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:30 PM

Surveys show that heavy consumers of violent television crime shows are more likely to see the world as a violent and frightening place and to adopt a “retributive justice perspective.”5 Similarly, experimental studies indicate that those who are exposed to media discussions of serious (i.e., violent) crimes are more likely to subsequently perceive other crimes as more serious and to support punitive anticrime measures.6

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 759-62 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:35 PM

Progressive-era reformers   saw public opinion as irrational and potentially disruptive and were therefore concerned about the ascendance of the mass party. Their efforts to establish a direct primary system and voting registration   requirements, weaken the urban machine, and reduce the frequency of elections were largely successful.8 The net effect of these reforms was the decline of the party as a mass-based organization, decreasing partisanship, and the disappearance of the partisan press.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 778-79 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:41 PM

For example, official   news releases are likely to be published with only cursory checks on their veracity.14 There is also evidence that officials frequently serve as news sources: A recent study found that 72%% of all sources for network   television news were government officials or leaders of political groups and institutions.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 795-97 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:48 PM

Respect For Authority Respect for authority has broken down because individuals are not being held responsible for their behavior. The failure   to hold people accountable for their actions has its roots in the misguided liberal notion that behavior is “caused”:

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 804-6 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:50 PM

Balance Needs The central issue in this package is the need to respond to the fear of crime while simultaneously addressing its causes. Fear of crime is a rational response to the increasing crime rate; the public needs to be protected from the threat of criminal victimization. In the short term, therefore, law enforcement efforts must be enhanced and improved so that people can live safe and secure lives.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 811-13 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:51 PM

Civil Liberties under Attack The core issue in this package is the need to develop crime policies that are consistent with the principles of democracy and the protection of civil liberties. Law and order policies   lead to a disregard for civil rights and due process. To the extent that this is the case, it becomes difficult (if not impossible) to distinguish   law breakers from law enforcers.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 886-88 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:52 PM

Poverty Causes Crime The core issue is the need to attack the structural   causes of crime. “Unemployment, ignorance, disease, filth, poor housing, congestion, discrimination-all of these things contribute to the great crime wave that is sweeping through our nation.”24 People are affected by their environment, and crime is a response to the hopelessness   of poverty and racism.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 891 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:53 PM

Get the Traffickers The core issue in this package is the need to prevent “narco-traffickers” and drug pushers from terrorizing our nation’s citizens, especially our children.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 896-98 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:54 PM

Zero Tolerance Casual drug users are not victims but criminals: “Drug abuse is not a so-called victimless crime. . . . [T]he victims of this terrible   crime … are countless. They’re the people beaten and robbed by junkies. They’re the people who pay higher insurance rates because of such robberies.

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 904-5 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:55 PM

Need More Resources The central issue is whether the government will commit sufficient resources to the war on drugs.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 911 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 07:57 PM

War Fails The central issue is whether the prohibition of drugs and tough law enforcement lessen or increase the harm caused by drugs.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 938-39 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:00 PM

Elements of Poverty Causes Crime were depicted in only 6% of state-sponsored   displays but in 40% of those statements offered by nonstate sources. Journalists’ reliance upon official sources thus also helps to explain the relative absence of this alternative package in crime news.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 931-33 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:01 PM

The preponderance of state sources meant that elements of Respect for Authority were depicted   in more than 62% of the total package displays. These stories generally lamented liberal permissiveness and emphasized the need to instill the fear of punishment in order to counter the trend toward lawlessness.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 957-59 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:04 PM

The ascendance of the discourse of law and order in the news, then, was largely a consequence of officials’ capacity   to call attention to and frame discussions of the crime and drug issues. Conservative politicians and law enforcement personnel were particularly successful in defining themselves as the relevant “authorities”   on the crime and drug issues.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 970-72 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:08 PM

In accounting for their legislative initiatives on crime and drugs, for example, politicians in the 1980s often cited increased media coverage of the drug problem as evidence of public concern to which they claimed to be responding. Officials may also perceive a high degree of media interest as an opportunity for political   exposure or as a sign that public concern is likely to increase in the future.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 984-86 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:12 PM

Various perspectives on crime and punishment thus coexist in American political culture, even after decades   of conservative political initiative on these issues. Arguments that depict law and order politics and policies as a direct manifestation   of public attitudes oversimplify and dehistoricize American beliefs about crime and punishment.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 990-92 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:14 PM

the trend toward greater public   punitiveness did not precede the adoption and implementation of tough anticrime policies; officials have played a crucial role in in framing   the crime and drug issues in ways that imply the need for them.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 997-98 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:14 PM

The discourse of law and order is predicated on that cluster of values and beliefs called “individualism,” an orientation most observers agree is central to American political culture. 12

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 1009-11 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:19 PM

Adherents of “social breakdown” emphasize the failure of the family to inculcate a proper moral sensibility in its members, lament parents’ diminished authority over their children, and criticize the state for undermining this authority. The conservative emphasis on the need to combat “permissiveness”   accords with this sense that traditional authority structures   are collapsing.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 1039-40 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:26 PM

Beliefs regarding crime and punishment are highly correlated with race and racial attitudes. Beginning in the early 1970s, researchers found that those expressing the highest degree of concern about crime also tended to oppose racial reform.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 1045-46 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:27 PM

In sum, the conservative   call for law and order appears to be most popular among those opposed to racial and social reform and who score higher on measures of racial prejudice.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 1054-56 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:30 PM

while racial prejudice is most strongly related to punitiveness among whites, fear of crime is most highly related to support for punitive policies among blacks.37 Thus, although there is some evidence that fear of crime is contributing to growing levels of support for punitive policies among blacks, racist attitudes continue to be the main determinant of white punitiveness.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 1065-66 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:32 PM

The rise of racial attitudes as the primary determinant of partisan loyalty and the association between racial attitudes and beliefs about crime and punishment help to explain the utility of crime-related issues to the Republican party.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 1079-80 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:36 PM

conservatives have depicted crime (and welfare) as a choice made by people looking for the easy way out. Involvement in drug sales in particular is often depicted   as a preference motivated by greed and the hope of avoiding “real work.” According to this view, it is the “law-abiding citizen” who bears the (economic and security) costs of these choices.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1084-85 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:39 PM

It thus appears that conservatives have been quite successful in attributing the plight of “the average American” to “cheats,” “thieves,” and “freeloaders,” and in exploiting this sentiment for political and electoral gain.44

 

=========

– Highlight Loc. 1094-95 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:40 PM

Race has been a crucial resource in these efforts to construct social and economic problems   in ways that generate support for such measures: popular images of the welfare cheat and the criminal both tap and reinforce racial stereotypes   and animosity.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1101-3 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:43 PM

Between 1980 and 1994, the incarcerated population grew by 300% .. (from 500,000 to 1.5 million).’ Federal and state prisons now house over one million prisoners, up from approximately 250,000 in 1970. The growth of the prison population in the U.S. is to a large extent a consequence of the war on drugs:

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1110-12 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:45 PM

While this move away from “corrections” has many causes, the rapid growth of the prison population has clearly reinforced it. In 1990, only nine states were operating their prisons at or below capacity; and nationwide, prisons are overcrowded by an average of 30%. In this context, resources   for education, vocational training, and recreation within prisons   have declined in both absolute and relative terms.7

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1158-60 | Added on Wednesday, June 02, 2010, 08:51 PM

In 1977, law enforcement agencies-and the DEA in particular-identified   asset forfeiture provisions as a potential source of revenue and began to lobby Congress to broaden the conditions under which civil forfeiture statutes might be invoked.24 Unlike their criminal counterparts,   civil forfeiture statutes required only that law enforcement agencies show “probable cause” that the property in question was related to a drug or other criminal offense.

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 1171-72 | Added on Thursday, June 03, 2010, 01:21 PM

The broadening of asset forfeiture provisions and their adoption by states has been extremely lucrative for law enforcement agencies. Asset forfeiture receipts increased from $27.2 million in 1985 to $874 million   in 1992; the assets and goods seized between 1985 and 1990 alone were estimated to be worth $4 to $5 billion.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1206-9 | Added on Thursday, June 03, 2010, 01:26 PM

The war on drugs has been waged primarily   in minority communities, despite evidence that the use of illegal drugs is evenly distributed by race.47 Although survey data suggest that 13% of all monthly drug users are black, 35% of those arrested for drug possession, 55% of those convicted of drug possession, and 74% of those sentenced to prison for drug possession are black. Over 90% of all of those actually admitted to prison for all drug offenses are black or Hispanic

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1249-52 | Added on Thursday, June 03, 2010, 01:31 PM

For example, after California built sixteen new prisons in a sixteen-year   period, the California Correctional Peace Officers’ Association (CCPOA) emerged as one of the state’s strongest political lobbies. The CCPOA is California’s second most generous political action committee   (PAC) and spends large amounts of money promoting the “victims’ movement” and supporting “friendly” legislation and candidates. For example, the CCPOA was one of the largest contributors to the three-strikes-and-you’re-out   initiative and to Governor Pete Wilson’s reelection   campaign.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1259-62 | Added on Thursday, June 03, 2010, 01:32 PM

These companies range from financial firms competing for the opportunity to underwrite prison construction to private companies   providing consulting, personnel management, architecture and building design, drug detection, medical, transportation, security, fine collection, bounty hunting, and food services. Defense companies are also jumping in on the action, aggressively marketing law enforcement equipment and other crime control devices.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1286-89 | Added on Thursday, June 03, 2010, 01:35 PM

Both conservatives and progressives, then, offered a strong and compelling critique of the rehabilitative project in the 1960s and 1970s; all of the former and some of the latter also embraced the principle of retribution. This retributive orientation was the basis of the legislative reforms that began in the 1970s and accelerated-with much prodding and support by the federal government-in the 1980s and 1990s. Deterrence and incapacitation (public safety) also served as important rationales for the adoption of more punitive sentencing statutes.

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1306-9 | Added on Thursday, June 03, 2010, 01:41 PM

Similarly, the search for the “career criminal” and the corresponding emphasis on selective incapacitation are largely motivated by the hope of reducing   the expense associated with large-scale incarceration. Indeed, the possibility of an effective, selective incapacitation strategy is so appealing   to many government agencies that “the criminal career notion … dominates discussion of criminal justice policy and … controls the expenditure   of federal research funds.”94 These and other contemporary crime control strategies represent a distinct break with criminology’s traditional interest in identifying the causes of crime.95

 

 

==========

– Highlight Loc. 1337-39 | Added on Thursday, June 03, 2010, 01:46 PM

In the discourse that legitimates this transformation, the criminality,   addiction, and delinquency of the impoverished-as well as their dependence on public assistance-symbolize their immorality, dangerousness,   and preference for the “easy way out.” As Feeley and Simon suggest, aspects of contemporary penological theory and practice-especially   its rejection of the rehabilitative project–are also predicated upon this more pessimistic image of the underclass.10

 

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 1357-59 | Added on Thursday, June 03, 2010, 02:32 PM

Economic pressures, anxiety about social change, and a pervasive sense of insecurity clearly engender a great deal of frustration, and the scapegoating of the underclass has been a relatively   successful way of tapping and channeling these sentiments. But this way of apprehending these realities is just that-a particular interpretation, one that has had significant consequences for state policy.

 

==========

 

– Highlight Loc. 1362-65 | Added on Thursday, June 03, 2010, 02:33 PM

one potentially fruitful strategy for progressives would be to stress the ways in which structural forces such as unemployment,   low wages, inadequate medical care, and limited access to child care diminish the capacity of parents to care for their young.16 Highlighting the impact of high rates of incarceration on individuals, families, and communities might also be a way of channeling concern about “social breakdown” in more progressive directions.

 

 

==========

Corrigan, Philip, and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985).

Crawford, Alan, Thunder on the Right: The New Right and the Politics of Resentment   (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980).

Cronin, Thomas E., Tania Z. Cronin, and Michael Milakovich, The U.S. Versus Crime in the Streets (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1981).

Fishman, Mark, “Crime Waves as Ideology,” Social Problems 25 (1978), pp. 531543.

Manufacturing the News (Austin: University of Texas, 1980).

Flanagan, Timothy, “Change and Influence in Popular Criminology: Public Attributions of Crime Causation,” Journal of Criminal justice 15 (1987), pp. 231-243.

Gans, Herbert, Deciding What’s News (New York: Vintage Books, 1979).

Middle Class Individualism (New York: The Free Press, 1988).

The War Against the Poor (New York: Basic Books, 1995).

Katz, Michael B., The Undeserving Poor: From the War on Poverhl to the War on Welfare (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989).

“The Urban ‘Underclass’ as Metaphor of Social Transformation.” In The Underclass Debate, edited by Michael B. Katz (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).

Zimring, Franklin, and Gordon Hawkins, “The New Mathematics of Imprisonment,”   Crime and Delinquency 34, 4 (October 1988), pp. 425-436.

The Scale of Imprisonment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).

The Search for a Rational Drug Control Policy (Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge   University Press, 1992).

Incapacitation: Penal Confinement and the Restraint of Crime (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).

 

 

==========